Thứ Bảy, 18 tháng 2, 2012

World Historian Series: Andre Gunder Frank 1

Short Professional Biography

This biographical note, from theInternational Institute for Social History, was adapted and updated in Spring 2002.
Andre Gunder Frank was born in Berlin on February 24, 1929. He was economics professor and theorist and one of the founders of the 'Dependence theory', developed in the sixties. In his more recent work he focussed his attention on the analysis of the crisis in world economy and then also on global world history. He was married to Marta Fuentes, with whom he wrote several studies about social movements. They have two sons. She died in Amsterdam in June 1993. Andre Gunder Frank left Germany as a boy when his parents had to escape the Nazi regime. In 1941 they entered the United States.



He was educated at the University of Chicago, where he received his Ph.D. in Economics in 1957 with a dissertation on Soviet Agriculture. From 1957 until 1962 he was lecturer and Assistant Professor at the universities of Michigan, Iowa and Wayne State. In 1962 he went to Latin America and became Associate Professor at the University of Brasilia teaching anthroplogical theory. Then he became Extraordinary Professor at the National School of Economics of the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1965. From 1966 until 1968 he was Visiting Professor at the Departments of Economics and History of the Sir George Williams University, Montreal, Canada. In 1968 he became Professor at the Department of Sociology and the Faculty of Economics, University of Chile, Santiago, Chile, where he was involved in the reforms of the Salvador Allende administration. After the military coup in 1973 he escaped to Europe, where he became Visiting Research Fellow at the Max-Planck Institute in Starnberg, Germany, from 1974 until 1978. In that year he moved to Norwich, England, where he was appointed Professor of Development Studies at the School of Development Studies, University of East Anglia. From 1981 he was also Professor of Development Economics and Social Sciences at the University of Amsterdam, to where he definitely moved in 1983. Besides he had many other temporary visiting appointments and research appointments in among others the USA, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Belgium, Germany and France. In 1994, at the age of 65, Frank went into mandatory retirement from his professorship in the Faculty of Economics at the University of Amsterdam.
Since then, he has been Visiting, Visting Distinguished, and Adjunct Professor at five universities, one in Toronto where he also wrote his latest book ReORIENT, and in 1999-2000 at two in Miami. For the Fall semester of 2001, Frank was Visiting Professor of World History at the University of Nebraska in Lincoln, and presently is Senior Fellow at the World History Center of Northeastern University in Boston.
So, Frank has taught and and done research in departments of anthropology, economics, geography, history, international relations, political science, and sociology, not to mention interdisciplinary ones, in 9 universities in North America, 3 in Latin America, and 5 in as many countries in Europe. He has also given countless lectures and seminars at many dozens of universities and other institutions all around the world in English, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, German and Dutch.



Andre Gunder Frank has written widely on the economic, social and political history and contemporary development of the world system, the industrially developed countries, and especially of the Third World and Latin America. He has produced over 1000 publications in 30 languages, including 43 book titles in 140 different language editions, and 160+ printings, 169 chapters contributed to 145 books edited by others and a couple by himself, and some 400 articles published in over 600 issues of academic journals, more popular ones, and newspapers. For that reason, he must now regard himself as also being ir/responsible for the waste of it is difficult to estimate how many trees to provide paper for these countless printed pages. Bibliographies of Frank's publications can be found in IISG folder 134, as well as the Publications section and especially in the Bibliography of 880 Publications 1955-1995.
Apart from these listings, further accounts of this academic experience and the development of his work may be found in the [here on-line] auto-bio/bibliographical essay "The Underdevelopment of Development." This essay, taken from a festschrift of the same title in his honour, reviews four decades of involvement in development studies and specifically in developing dependency theory, especially in Latin America in the 1960s, and the 1970s and 1980s during which he dedicated two decades, four books, probably a hundred articles, and still more public interventions to analyzing and forecasting international political economic [IPE] events, cycles and policy formation during the world economic crisis since 1967.
In the 1990s, Frank increasingly turned his attention to world history and produced [with Barry Gills] THE WORLD SYSTEM about the last five thousand years of world history andReORIENT about most of the last five hundred. The prefaces to both books review the development of Frank's thinking during recent decades and give an account of the history and emergence of theoretical positions and related proposals for further research in these books. These prefaces also discuss the implicit and often explicit dialogue with colleagues whose paths have intersected, paralleled or neither with in the context and that leading up to writing these books.




Personal is Political Autobiography
A more "personal is political" accounting - to borrow a feminist phrase - of my by now more than seven decades of experiences, and especially over the past five decades, appears in the essay "The Cold War and Me" and the 1962-1964 letters, all reproduced in on-line/auto-biographical essays. For those for whom those two dozen pages are too much and/or to pique their interest, I here offer a two page summary 'self-introduction' of the same and more of my personal and political trials and tribulations, which any visitor to this home page can readily skip as well if s/he wants to go on to more listings of professional matters, or just to log out of here altogether. So, here goes.
I was born in Berlin in 1929 and at the age of 4 I left there with my parents, who went to Switzerland as political exiles when Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933. I would return to the place of my birth 40 years later, but by then as a political exile myself and my family from the military coup in Chile in 1973. In the meantime and indeed also since then, my usual stay in any one place around this world lasted one to a couple of years or less. After I arrived in Switzerland, I spent the next 8 years there, but going from each of its three principal language regions to another. I began school in the Italian one for about a year, after I had already spent a previous year in some pre-school boarding institution in the French speaking region, and before I would remain all of 5 years in any one place, but alas confined in a Swiss boarding school in the German speaking region, if any reader knows what THAT means. In 1941, during the second year of World War II in Europe and in my 12th year of age, I left Europe and went to the United States, where I remained until the age of 31, when in 1961 I began my further Oddissey around the world. The only exceptions to my usual 1-2 year stays in one place were 4 years in the same college in the United States and 5 years each in Chile from 1968 to 1973 and then at from 1978 to 1983 in England - until from 1983 to 1993 I lived in Amsterdam for twice my previous 5 year maximum. [By the time he was 20, my elder son had lived in 10 different countries, and some more than once, and now says that he has moved 43 times during his 37 years].
Along the way, I also got a high school and then a college diploma, a masters degree and two doctoral ones [an American PhD in 1957 and a French Doctorat d'Etat in 1978]. But although I had much American schooling, I received very little education if any and learned virtually nothing of any use in any of the many schools that I attended here and there. My real [world] education if any, was derived from hitchhiking across the United States for a distance equivalent to more than two times around the globe at its equator during my teens and early twenties, and since my thirties my sort of medieval type itinerant scholar up and down the Americas and criss-cross around Europe, while travelling, living, and being socially and politically active in literally countelss countries all around the world. On one of my many trips, I met Marta Fuentes and we were married and lived in nearly a dozen countries until cancer took her away in 1993 after over 30 years of our marriage. We had two sons, who recently had two kids of their own, thus making me a grandfather and for some time already also a friend of their respective wives, all of whom now live in Europe. One son is by now fluent in a dozen languages and the other in half a dozen, and their kids are already learning two or three languages each from the world go, while I manage in seven, but in each of them badly at best.
After I lost my first wife, I was re-married to Nancy Howell who had already been my 'sweetheart' well before Marta and I had met, so that by then a good 4 decades had passed between us; yet our recent life and marriage in Toronto then ended in divorce after only 4 years. After that, I moved to Montreal and then so far to Miami, where I met Alison Candela. In the meantime, I had four major operations that kept me alive but at the cost of a few unpleasant after-effects; and I wrote a book between the first and second of them. It is the so far last of three dozen previous book titles in about 135 different editions among my over 1000 publications in 30 languagves. So I am now more than sceptical when, for reasons unknown and to me unimaginable, Alison wants me to write still two more books, one a sequel to my latest academic one, and the other a personal autobiography. I actually started one already in 1986, but I gave up on it after having written the first 10 pages of the introduction to the introduction. Now as for myself, I have good reason to believe that the world can get along quite well without still another book from me, thank you.
But to those that are still with me, I don't want to leave a wrong impression that I have only or even primarily pursued an academic or worse an intellectual career, since the only career I have made is not to have one. On the contrary from along my path through what now seems like a global labyrinth, I can also record countless other more practical both more important and more mundane occupations that re not necessarily unrelated to each other or to my mis-named 'professional' ones. These were also frequently interrupted, or as again now, complemented by quite a lot of unemployment. My jobs began with the usual newspaper route, delivering the OUTLOOK and also working as a gardener in Santa Monica, California. There also, I held down a somewhat less usual job for a 13 year old, working in a liquor store, first in the stockroom and then at the counter selling liquor and mostly beer to the thousands of bathers at the Pacific Ocean beach just across the then US 101, now California 1. At that same beach, I was also 'self-empoyed' as a beach-comber to retrieve the same and other bottles again in order turn them in to my same employer so as to collect the deposits of 2 cents each for 12 oz. and 5 cents each for 32 oz. beer bottles. The job brought me my social security card, and the income went to repeatedly buying eyeglasses to replace the just lost or broken ones, to send money to my working mother in Idaho and Michigan, and then in August 1943 to buy myself a train ticket to take the Union Pacific to go live with her there - as it turned out for six months, until she moved to New York.
So then around my 15th birthday, I decided to remain alone in Ann Arbor to complete the rest of my sophomore and then my junior and senior years of high school. I worked first in a grocery store, then as a waiter, later and after school as janitor in my own school till they fired me and I got a job still in the same building in the Public Library, at then again at other janitorial jobs cleaning junior highs on Saturdays, and later after school washing dishes at the Michigan Union and serving as a model for an art class. My 'free' time was devoted to athletics, mostly competitive long distance running, for three years in high school years, continued for four years in college, and one even in graduate school. It was as a high school runner that my team-mates babtized me with the [nick]name Gunder, which was derived from the Swedish then holder of world records in five events, who like me was always separated from the rest of the field, the difference being that he was a half track ahead and I a half track behind the others. [Being half way out of the field seems to have become some sort of a habit of mine, though since then I seem to have been mostly half a lap ahead of the rest - which entails even more discomfort than being behind!]. The name Andre came later when I myself dropped the last letter from my Andrew in English and Andres in Spanish after a librarian asked me if they these are the same author or not, whose first name was Andreas in German.
Anyway, after high school, I sold magazines door-to-door in Ohio with the come on door opener, as the standard saying went, 'to earn money for college'. In 1946, I actually did that - at Swarthmore in Pennsylvania from which I graduated with honors in 1950. Thereby [excepting the 5 years in the Swiss boarding school], I had now equalled my previous record of 4 years in any one place during the first four years of my life from 1929 to 1933 in Berlin. In my college years and after, I again sold newspaper and worked as a waiter and/or busboy, and after that as well in Atlantic City and San Francisco, near Holland Michigan and near Albuquerque New Mexico, and so on. Along the way here and there, I also picked potatoes, apples and cherries.
During summer vacations in college and for many years after that, I held down all sorts of jobs until I was fired from most of them - always for the same reason: insubordination. These jobs included building pre-fab houses in the Washington DC suburbs, digging ditches and laying the concrete sidewalk from the north-west corner of the campus of the University of Michigan campus to its library, and therefore many years later I could tell my son that I had once made a 'concrete' contribution to his welfare there as a graduate student. In Washington state, I worked in a saw mill and then as a logger, as well as again digging ditches and 'gandy-dancing', that is laying railroad track. In Michigan, I built automobiles at Willow Run [which had been built during World War II to manufacture B 17bombers], and in New Orleans I tended 32 spools in a row of twine to spin them for the International Harvester Corporation. There, I also worked as a private eye, as well as of course in the French Quarter tourist industry as a waiter on Bourbon Street, a picture painter in Jackson Square, and in the Mardi Gras parade walking around dressed as a huge paper-mache Old Gran Dad whisky bottle, on which people knocked asking for samples that I was unable to supply. Alas, I had no ''aptitude'' for any of these: I had taken an employment aptitude test at the Louisiana State Employment Commission, which showed that , as they duly informed me, I had aptitude for NOthing, and especially NO INTELLECTUIAL aptitude. Therefore, they said, I should try my hand at automobile mechanic, as which they however could find no job for me. In San Francisco, I carted refrigerators and similar household equipment up three flights of stairs for a moving company, and for free concert attendance I ushered people up and down the aisles of the San Francisco Opera House. At Union Square, I wrapped Christmas presents in the basement of the fancy I. Magnin department store until I was fired for refusing to warp something too ugly for words and in my opinion for wrapping. In Chicago, I loaded freight cars at night, and in the daytime I was supposed to placate the irate customers of a furniture store whose sales personnel made their sales by promising delivery dates that were impossible to meet. Since I sided more with their innocent customer victims, the sales people had me fired.
This self-training in 'public relations' may have offered me good experience when later in Mexico, I trapsed around rural villages trouble shooting an American company's snafus in 'community development'. In Mexico also, I initiated and then taught the first ever course on Latin American development at the national university UNAM. My Chicago PhD in Economics, yes with Milton Friedman, finally did me some good in Brazil where it proved to be my union card for an appointment to teach anthropology in the still under construction Brasilia where the since then my friend and now late Darcy Ribeiro at the time thought he needed more PhDs on the staff to establish the 'academic legitimacy' of the also still under construction UNB National University of Brazil of which he was founder rector, before he became the head of staff for the President Jango Goulart, until both went into exile after the military coup of March 30, 1964.
The month before, and after our son Paulo was born there, Marta and I had already left Brazil again for Chile, later for Mexico where Miguel was born, then to Montreal, and in 1968 back again to Chile. This time teaching at the University of Chile, I equalled my childhood record of a five year stay in one place. That ended with the September 11, 1973 military coup, which drove my family into permanent exile and for us again new cities in three countries in Europe, all of whose languages my kids had to learn in turn to be able to go to school and otherwise to survive. Me too.
That now leaves almost three decades still to be accounted for. The first two of them I spent with my family until my two sons, first Paulo and then Miguel, went off to college in England in the early 1980s and then my wife Marta died of cancer in Amsterdam in 1993. I took care of her 24 hours a day for her last 6 months.
The first 5 years of these 2 decades we spent in exile in Germany, the only place I could go as a still German citizen, after the also Tuesday September 11 coup and bombing of the presidential palace in Chile with documented direct support of Nixon and Kissinger - which not many people and few Americans but certainly we recalled in 2001. But these first 5 years in Germany were spent in 3 different cities, Berlin, Munich and Frankfurt and in twice as many different houses from September 1973 to August 1974. Then we moved to Frankfurt where we were finally able to live in the same house for 3 years between 1975 and 1978. During these same 3 years, I published 10 different books, some already several years in the pipeline. Nonetheless, though I received two research grants that kept us alive, I was never able to get a regular job for clearly political reasons in Germany. In 1978, the Culture Minister [previously he was a police director !] of the State of Hessen should have formally and routinely approved my professorial appointment for which a university president wanted to hire me. Instead, the Minister personally told the President who also personally reported the same to me that "this Frank will NEVER receive a university appointment here," after three years earlier he had already closed an opening for which I was first on the short list] at the University of Frankfurt, which is why we had moved to that city in the first place. So we left Germany after I accepted a professorship at the University of East Anglia in England where my sons then finished school and went to college, and Marta also went to college at my university.
We left England in 1983, because Marta was unable any longer to abide its racism - and my sons only later told me that they too were similarly discriminated against - after I was offered a professorship at the University of Amsterdam. I would spend 10 years there plus 2 years commuting back and forth weekly between there and England while first Marta and then Miguel finished their schools. That was over two times as long as I had ever been anywhere else in my life before: 3 times 5 years in England and Chile and before that in boarding school in Switzerland; two times 4 years, my first four in Berlin and then 4 years at Swarthmore College in the USA; 3 years at Ann Arbor High School, and 2 years or less in lots of other places in North and South America. But my stay in Amsterdam until my obligatory retirement at 65 in 1994 was prolonged, because I was unable to get a job anywhere else. During a decade in the 1980s and early 1990s, I had applied for 80 different publicly advertised teaching jobs in North America, almost all in the United States. I was short listed for 5 of them, interviewed for 3 of these; and of the 80, I got 0. As already related above, a year after Marta's death, in 1994, I moved to Toronto to live with and then marry Nancy Howell, with whom I had already lived in 1959-61, until after 40 years of reflection she changed her mind and kicked me out. Then after a year licking my wounds in Montreal, in 1999 I went to Miami and met Alison Candela who has lovingly put up with me ever since. We married in July 2003.
The online essays section contains several essays that go into considerable detail about my personal, professional and political development and experience. Many of these areautobiographical essays and bibliographies, written in English. Others are biographies about my work and me, written by others in various languages. These essays differ in focus and coverage according to each author's interests or audience, and mine vary in accord with my purpose and audience for each particular essay. There are graphic overlaps of coverage among the essays, and sometimes the same ground is covered in different contexts.



Teaching and Research Appointments
2004 - Universita di Calabria, Italia
Visiting Professor, Dipartimento di Sociologia
2002 - Northeastern University
Senior Fellow, World History Center
2001 - University of Nebraska at Lincoln
Visiting Professor of History
1999 - 2000 University of Miami
Visiting Professor of International Studies
1999 - 2000 Florida International University
Visiting Distinguished Professor of International Studies
1996-98 - University of Toronto, Canada
Graduate Faculty [Sociology]
1981-94 University of Amsterdam, Holland
Professor of Development Economics & Social Sciences
1978-83 University of East Anglia, Norwich, England
Professor of Development Studies in Social Change
1974-78 Max Planck Institut, Starnberg, Germany
Visiting Research Fellow
1968-73 University of Chile, Santiago
Professor of Sociology and Economics
1966-68 Sir George Williams University, Montreal, Canada
Visiting Professor of History and Economics
1965-66 National Autonomous University of Mexico
Visiting Professor of Economics
1963 University of Brasilia
Associate Professor of Anthropology
1957-61 Michigan State University, East Lansing, USA
Lecturer and then Assistant Professor of Economics
1956-57 Iowa State University, Ames, USA
Instructor of Economics
Other Positions/Consultancies
1994 University of Newcastle, Visiting Researcher
1990 UNESCO Silk Roads Expedition, Xinjiang, China
1988 University of Minnesota, Exchange Prof. of History
1986 Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Visiting Fellow
1983 UNESCO & Chinese Academy Social Sciences Consultant
1981 New School for Social Research, New York, USA
1979 Boston University, USA, Visiting Prof. of Sociology
1978 University of Paris VIII, France
1973 Free University of Berlin, Germany
1971 Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium
1968 UN International Labour Organisat.Field Office,Chile
1964 UN Economic Commission of Latin America Consultant VITIES

World Historian Series: Arnold J. Toynbee 3


World Historian Series: Arnold J. Toynbee 

Thứ Sáu, 17 tháng 2, 2012

World Historian Series: Arnold J. Toynbee 2



PLAN OF THE BOOK

I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
X
XI
XII
XIII
XIV


I INTRODUCTION


I. THE UNIT OF HISTORICAL STUDY

II. THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CIVILIZATIONS

III. THE COMPARABILITY OF CIVILIZATIONS

(1) Civilizations and Primitive Societies
(2) The Misconception of 'The Unity of Civilization'
(3) The Case for the Comparability of Civilizations
(4) History, Science and Fiction




II THE GENESES OF CIVILIZATIONS


IV. THE PROBLEM AND HOW NOT TO SOLVE IT

(1) The Problem Stated
(2) Race
(3) Environment

V. CHALLENGE AND RESPONSE

(1) The Mythological Clue
(2) The Myth Applied To The Problem


VI. THE VIRTUES OF ADVERSITY

VII. THE CHALLENGE OF THE ENVIRONMENT

(1) The Stimulus of Hard Countries
(2) The Stimulus of New Ground
(3) The Stimulus of Blows
(4) The Stimulus of Pressures
(5) The Stimulus of Penalizations

VIII. THE GOLDEN MEAN

(1) Enough and Too Much
(2) Comparisons in Three Terms
(3) Two Abortive Civilizations
(4) The Impact of Islam on the Christendoms



III THE GROWTHS OF CIVILIZATIONS


IX. THE ARRESTED CIVILIZATIONS

(1) Polynesians, Eskimos and Nomads
(2) The ‛Osmanlis
(3) The Spartans
(4) General Characteristics
Note: The Sea and Steppe as language conductors

X. THE NATURE OF THE GROWTHS

(1) Two False Trails
(2) Progress towards Self-determination

XI. AN ANALYSIS OF GROWTH

(a) The Relation between Growing Civilizations and Individuals
The Working of Withdrawal-and-Return in the Histories of Civilizations


XI. DIFFERENTIATION THROUGH GROWTH

C Annex II: The Political Career of Muhammad



IV. THE BREAKDOWNS OF CIVILIZATIONS


B. THE NATURE OF THE BREAKDOWNS OF CIVILIZATIONS 

I. DETERMINISTIC SOLUTIONS

II. LOSS OF COMMAND OVER THE ENVIRONMENT

(a) The Physical Environment
(b) The Human Environment
(3) A Negative Verdict

XVI. FAILURE OF SELF-DETERMINATION

(a) The Mechanicalness of Mimesis
(2) New Wine in Old Bottles
2. The Impact of Industrialism upon Slavery
10. The Impact of the Solonian Economic Revolution upon the International Politics of the Hellenic World
(3) The Nemesis of Creativity: Idolization of an Ephemeral Institution
(4) The Nemesis of Creativity: (γ) The Idolization of an Ephemeral Technique
(5) The Suicidalness of Militarism
(6) The Intoxication of Victory



V THE DISINTEGRATIONS OF CIVILIZATIONS


B. THE NATURE OF THE DISINTEGRATIONS OF CIVILIZATIONS
(a) A General Survey
(b) The Movement of Schism-and-Palingenesia
(c) Schism in the Body Social

(1) Dominant Minorities
(2) Internal Proletariats
The Russian and Arabic Internal Proletariat
The Symptoms in the Western World
(3) External Proletariats
Vestiges and Rudiments in the Western World
(4) Alien and Indigenous Inspirations

( d ) SCHISM IN THE SOUL 

(1) Alternative Ways of Behavior, Feeling and Life
(2) 'Abandon' and Self-Control
(3) Truancy and Martyrdom
(4) The Sense of Drift
(5) The Sense of Sin 
(6) The Sense of Promiscuity
(α) Pammixia and Proletarianization
The Receptivity of Empire-Builder
The Vulgarization of the Dominant Minority
The Barbarization of the Dominant Minority
a. Vulgarity and Barbarism in Manners
(β) Vulgarity and Barbarism in Art
(γ) Lingue Franche
(δ) Syncretism in Religion

V. C. I (c) 1 Annex: Roman Policy towards Primitive Peoples

Annex I: The Role of Manichaeism in the Encounter between
the Syriac Internal Proletariat and Hellenism
C (i) (c) 2 Annex II: Marxism, Socialism, and Christianity
Annex III: The Ambiguity of Gentleness

Annex I: The Rhine-Danube Frontier of the Roman Empire
Annex II: The Volkerwanderung: of the Aryas and the Sanskrit Epic
Annex III: Historical Fact and 'Heroic’ Tradition

d )4 Annex: Fatalism an a Spiritual Tonic615

6 (γ) Annex I: The Napoleonic Empire as a Universal State
Annex II: Edward Gibbon’s Choice of Linguistic Vehicle

(δ) Annex: Cujus Regio, Ejus Religio?


VOLUME VI

V. THE DISINTEGRATIONS OF CIVILIZATIONS (cont.)

C. THE PROCESS OF THE DISINTEGRATIONS OF CIVILIZATIONS (cont.).....1

I. THE CRITERION OF DISINTEGRATION (cont.)....1

(d) Schism in the Soul (cont.)....1

7. The Sense of Unity.....1

8. Archaism ... 48

(α) Archaism in Institutions and Ideas... 49

(β) Archaism in Art .... 50

(γ) Archaism in Language and Literature. .. 62

(δ) Archaism in Religion. . .83

(ε) The Self-Defeat of Archaism....94

9. Futurism ... 97

(α) The Relation between Futurism and Archaism. . . 97

(β) The Breach with the Present. .. 101

The Breach in Manners . ..101

The Breach in Institutions . . . .107

The Breach in Secular Culture and in Religion ... 111

(γ) The Self-Transcendence of Fuurism. .. 118

10. Detachment . ..132

11. Transfiguration ... 149

(e) Palingenesia ...... l69

II. AN ANALYSIS OF DISINTEGRATION . . . I75

(a) Relation between Disintegrating Civilizations and Individuals... 175

The Creative Genius as a Saviour . ..175

The Saviour with the Sword ... 178

The Saviour with the'Time-Machine'... 213

The Philosopher masked by a King ... 242

The God Incarnate in a Man ... 259

(b) The Interaction between Individuals in Disintegrating Civilizations...278

The Rhythm of Disintegration ..... 278

The Rhythm in Hellenic History ..... 387

The Rhythm in Sinic History ...291

The Rhythm in Sumeric History ..... 296

The Rhythm in the History of the Main Body of Orthodox Christendom ........ 298

The Rhythm in Hindu History ..... 300

The Rhythm in Syriac History ...301

The Rhythm in the History of the Far Eastern Civilization in Japan ...303

The Rhythm in the History of the Main Body of the Far Eastern Civilization ...305

The Rhythm in Babylonic History .... 308

The Rhythm in the History of Orthodox Christendom in Russia ... 308

Vestiges in Minoan History ...312

Symptoms in Western History ...312

III. STANDARDIZATION THROUGH DISINTEGRATION . .. 321

Table I: Universal States ..... 327

Table II: Philosophies ...... 328

Table III: Higher Religions ..... 329

Table IV: Barbarian War-Bands ..... 330

V. C I (d) 7 Annex: The Hellenic Conception of the ‘Cosmopolis’...332

9 (β) Annex: New Eras ..... 339

II Annex I: Aristophanes' Fantasy of 'Cloudcuckooland’ .. . 346

Annex II: Saint Augustine's Conception of the Relations
between the Mundane and the Supra-Mundane Commonwealth...365

II (a) Annex I: The Hellenic Portrait of the Saviour with the Sword...370

Annex II: Christus Patiens ...376

The Problem ..... 376

Correspondences between the Story of Jesus and
the Stories of certain Hellenic Saviours with the 'Time-Machine’ .... 377

A Synopsis of Results .... 406

Table I: Concordance of the Literary Authorities ... 407

Table II: Analysis of Correspondences between
the Gospels and the Stories of Pagan Heroes .... 409

Table III: Analysis of Correspondences between the
Stories of the Spartan Archaists and those of the Other Heroes .. . 409

Table IV: Common Characters . . .410

Table V: Common Scenes . . .411

Table VI: Analysis of Visual Correspondences
between the Gospels and the Stories of Pagan Heroes . . .412

Table VII: Common Properties . . . 413

Table VIII: Common Words . . . 414

Table IX: Analysis of Verbal Correspondences
between the Gospels and the Stories of Pagan Heroes . . .417

Alternative Possible Explanations . . . 418

Dichtung und Wahrheit . . . 438

The Legend of Hêraklês . . . 465

Table X: Concordance of Correspondences between the Legend
of Hêraklês and the Stories of Jesus and the Pagan Historical Heroes...476

The Ritual Murder of an Incarnate God .... 476

(α) 'The Ride of the Beardless One' .... 481

(β)'The Reign of the Mock King' . .. .481

The Life and Death of Socrates .. . . 486

An Egyptian Bridge between Laconia and Galilee... 496

A Verbal Means of Conveyance . . .500

A Visual Means of Conveyance . . . 508

The Economy of Truth . . . 534

INDEX TO VOLUMES IV-VI ....54I


VI UNIVERSAL STATES


B. ENDS OR MEANS?

I. THE MIRAGE OF IMMORTALITY

XXV. SIC VOS NON VOBIS

(1) The Conductivity of Universal States
(2) The Psychology of Peace
(3) The Serviceability of Imperial Institutions
Communication
Garrisons and Colonies
Provinces
Capital Cities
Official Languages and Scripts
Law
Calendars; Weights and Measures; Money
Standing Armies
Civil Services
Citizenships



VII. UNIVERSAL CHURCHES

A. ALTERNATIVE CONCEPTIONS OF THE RELATION OF
UNIVERSAL CHURCHES TO CIVILIZATIONS

I. CHURCHES AS CANCERS
II. CHURCHES AS CHRYSALISES
III. CHURCHES AS A HIGHER SPECIES OF SOCIETY

(a) A REVISION OF OUR CLASSIFICATION OF SPECIES OF SOCIETY
(b) THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHURCHES’ PAST
(c) THE CONFLICT BETWEEN HEART AND HEAD
B. A SOCIAL BARRAGE

The Débacle of an Ephemeral Barbarian Ascendancy

E. DICHTUNG UND WAHRHEIT
I. A PHANTASY OF HEROISM
II. A GENUINE HUMBLE SERVICE 
A. AN EXPANSION OF THE FIELD OF STUDY
B. A SURVEY OF ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN CONTEMPORARY CIVILIZATIONS 
I. Plan of Operations 
II. Operations According to Plan
(a) Encounters with the Modern Western Civilization
1. The Modern West and Russia
Russia's ‛Western Question’
Alternative Russian Responses to the Challenge of Western Technology 
2. The Modern West and the Main Body of Orthodox Christendom 
The Reception of a Modern Western Culture by the Ottoman Orthodox Christians and its Political Consequences
3. The Modern West and the Hindu World 
4. The Modern West and the Islamic World
The Postponement of the Crisis
The Muslim Peoples Military Approach to the Western Question

5. The Modern West and the Jews
6 The Modern West and Far Eastern and Indigenous American Civilizations
7. Characteristics of the Encounters between the Modern West and its Contemporaries

(b) Encounters with Medieval Western Christendom
1. The Flow and Ebb of the Crusades
2. The Medieval West and the Syriac World
3. The Medieval West and Greek Orthodox Christendom
4. The Medieval West and Kievan Russia
(c) Encounters between Civilizations of the First Two Generations

1. Encounters with the Post-Alexandrine Hellenic Civilization
2. Encounters with the Pre-Alexandrine Hellenic Civilization
3. Encounters with the Syriac Civilization
4. Encounters with the Eygptiac Civilization in the Age of ‛the New Empire’
5. Tares and Wheat

C. THE DRAMA OF ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN CONTEMPORARIES (STRUCTURE, AND PLOT)
I. CONCATENATIONS OF ENCOUNTERS 
II. ROLES, REACTIONS, AND DENOUMENTS

D. THE PROCESS OF RADIATION AND RECEPTION
E. THE CONSEQUENCES OF ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN CONTEMPORARIES
I. Aftermaths of Unsuccessful Assaults
II. Aftermaths of Successful Assaults
(a) Effects on the Body Social
(b) Responses of the Soul
1. Dehumanization
3. Evangelism
C. (I), Annex: ‘Asia’ and ‘Europe’: Facts and Fantasies
TABLE
A. ‛THE RENAISSANCE’
B. A SURVEY OF RENAISSANCES
I. A PLAN OF OPERATIONS
II. OPERATIONS ACCORDING TO PLAN
(a) RENAISSANCES OF POLITICAL IDEAS AND INSTITUTIONS
(b) RENAISSANCES OF SYSTEMS OF LAW
(c) RENAISSANCES OF PHILOSOPHIES
(d) RENAISSANCES OF LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE

(e) RENAISSANCES OF VISUAL ARTS
(f) RENAISSANCES OF RELIGIOUS IDEALS AND INSTITUTIONS

C. THE DRAMA OF RENAISSANCES
D. THE PROCESS OF EVOCATION
E. THE CONSEQUENCES OF NECROMANCY
I.THE TRANSFUSION OF PSYCHIC ENERGY
II. THE CHALLENGE FROM THE REVERENANT AND A PAIR OF ALTERNATIVE POSSIBLE RESPONSES
III. THE BLESSEDNESS OF IMMUNITY, MERCIFULNESS OF MORTLAITY, AND UNTOWARDNESS OF PRECOCITY

(III) THE ANTINOMIANIAM OF LATE MODERN WESTERN HISTORIANS
(a) THE REPUDIATION OF THE BELEIF IN A 'LAW OF GOD' BY LATE MODERN WESTERN MINDS

B. THE AMENABILITY OF HUMAN AFFAIRS TO ‘LAWS OF NATURE’

(1) A Survey of the Evidence

(a) The Private Affairs of Individuals
(b) The Industrial Affairs of Modern Western Societies
1. Struggles for Existence between Parochial States
The War-and-Peace Cycle in Modern and post-Modern Western History
(d) The Disintegrations of Civilizations
(e) The Growth of Civilizations
(f) ‘There is no armour against Fate’

(2) Possible Explanations of the Currency of ‘Laws of Nature’ in History
(3) Are Laws of Nature current in History inexorable or controllable?

XXXVII. THE RECALCITRANCE OF HUMAN NATURE TO LAWS OF NATURE

XXXIII. THE LAW OF GOD



XII. THE PROSPECTS OF THE WESTERN CIVILIZATION

XXXIX. THE NEED FOR THIS INQUIRY

XL. THE INCONCLUSIVENESS OF A Priori ANSWERS

XLI. THE TESTIMONIES OF THE HISTORIES OF THE CIVILIZATIONS

(1) Western Experiences with Non-Western Precedents
(2) Unprecedented Western Experiences

TECHNOLOGY, WAR AND GOVERNMENT
(I) THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF THE PROBLEM
(II) THE SITUATION AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR
(a) A PROGRESSIVE CONCENTRATION OF POWER
The Significance of Hitler's Bid for World-Dominion
(III) ALTERNATIVE POSSIBLE APPROACHES TO WORLD ORDER

(IV) POSSIBLE CONSTITUENT ELEMENTS OF A FUTURE WORLD ORDER
(V) PROBABLE FUNCTIONS OF A FUTURE WORLD ORDER
E. TECHNOLOGY, CLASS-CONFLICT AND EMPLOYMENT
(1) THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF THE PROBLEM
(2) Mechanization and Private Enterprise
(3) Alternative Approaches and Social Harmony
(4) Possible Costs of Social Justice
(5) Living happy ever after?



XIII. THE INSPIRATIONS OF HISTORIANS

A. THE HISTORIAN'S ANGLE OF VISION

B. THE ATTRACTIVENESS OF THE FACTS OF HISTORY

C. THE IMPULSE TO INVESTIGATE THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE FACTS OF HISTORY

I. CRITICAL REACTIONS

II. CREATIVE RESPONSES
(a) MINUSCULA
(b) PAULLO MAIORA
1. Inspirations from Social Milieux
Clarendon, Procopius, Josephus, Thucydides, Rhodes
Polybius
Josephus and Ibn al-Tiqtaqā
‛Alā-ad-Dīn Juwaynī and Rashīd-ad-Dīn Hamadānī
Herodotus
Turgot
Ibn Khaldūn
Saint Augustine
A Twentieth-century Western Student of History



XIII CONCLUSION

XLIV. HOW THIS BOOK CAME TO BE WRITTEN



XIV RECONSIDERATIONS




I INTRODUCTION

B. THE FIELD OF HISTORICAL STUDY

III. THE EXTENSION OF OUR FIELD IN SPACE

I. THE UNIT OF HISTORICAL STUDY
Let us call this society, whose spatial limits we have been studying, Western Christendom; and, as soon as we bring our mental image of it into focus by finding a name for it, the images and names of its counterparts in the contemporary world come into focus side by side with it, especially if we keep our attention fixed upon the cultural plane. On this plane we can distinguish unmistakably the presence in the world to-day of at least four other living societies of the same species as ours:
(i) an Orthodox Christian Society in South-Eastern Europe and Russia;
(ii) an Islamic Society with its focus in the arid zone which stretches diagonally across North Africa and the Middle East from the Atlantic to the outer face of the Great Wall of China;
(iii) a Hindu Society in the tropical sub-continent of India;
(iv) a Far-Eastern Society in the sub-tropical and temperate regions between the arid zone and the Pacific.
On closer inspection we can also discern two sets of what may appear to be fossilized relics of similar societies now extinct, namely: one set including the Monophysite Christians of Armenia, Mesopotamia, Egypt and Abyssinia and the Nestorian Christians of Kurdistan and ex-Nestorians in Malabar, as well as the Jews and the Parsees; and a second set including the Lamaistic Mahayanian Buddhists of Tibet and Mongolia and the Hinayanian Buddhists of Ceylon, Burma, Siam and Cambodia, as well as the Jains of India.
It is interesting to notice that when we turn back to the cross-section at 775 A.D. we find that the number and identity of the societies on the world map are nearly the same as at the present time. Substantially the world map of societies of this species has remained constant since the first emergence of our Western Society. In the struggle for existence the West has driven its contemporaries to the wall and entangled them in the meshes of its economic and political ascendancy, but it has not yet disarmed them of their distinctive cultures. Hard pressed though they are, they can still call their souls their own.
The conclusion of the argument, as fat as we have carried it at present, is that we should draw a sharp distinction between relations of two kinds: those between communities within the same society and those of different societies with one another.


IV. THE EXTENSION OF OUR FIELD IN TIME
{I.B.IV.p.40}...Why did Rome stretch her long arm towards the north-west and gather into her Empire the western corner of Transalpine Europe? Because she was drawn in that direction by her life-and-death struggle with Carthage. Why, having once crossed the Alps, did she stop at the Rhine and not push on to the better physical frontier of the Baltic, the Vistula, and the Dniestr? Because in the Augustan Age her vitality gave out after two centuries of exhausting wars and revolutions. Why did 'the barbarians' ultimately break through? Because, when a frontier between a more highly and a less highly civilized society ceases to advance at the more backward society's expense, the balance does not settle down into a stable equilibrium but declines, with the passage of time, in the more backward societies favour.1 Why, when 'the barbarians' broke through the Roman frontier, did they encounter 'the Church' on the other side? Materially, because the economic and social revolutions following the Hannibalic War had brought multitudes of slaves from the Oriental World to work in the devastated areas of the West, and this forced migration of Oriental labour had been followed by the peaceful propagation of Oriental religions through 'the Graeco-Roman World'. 2 Spiritually, because these religions, with their promise of an 'other-worldly' personal salvation, found,
1 For an examination of this phenomenon see part VIII, below.
2
 For this, see further II. D (vi), vol. ii, p. 213-6, below. 
{p.41} fallow fields to cultivate in the devastated souls of a 'dominant minority' which had failed, in this world, to save the fortunes of the 'Graeco-Roman' Society.1
to the student of Hellenic history, both the Christians and the barbarians would present themselves as creatures of an alien underworld—the 'internal' and 'external' proletariat,3 as he might call them, of the Hellenic Society in its last phase.4 he would point out that the great masters of Hellenic culture, down to and including Marcus Aurelius, almost ignore their existence, and that in fact they did not begin to come into existence until after the Hannibabic War. He would diagnose both the Christian Church and the Barbarian war-bands as morbid affections which only appeared in the body of the Hellenic Society after its physique
3 The word 'proletariat' is used here and hereafter in this Study to mean any social element or group which in some way is 'in' but not 'of' any given society at any given stage of such society's history. That is, it is used in the scenes of the Latin word proletarius from which it is derived. In Roman legal terminology, proletarii were citizens who had no entry against their names in the census except their progeny (proles). The following definition is given in the Compendiosa Doctrina per Litteras of Nonius Marcellinus: 'Proletarii dicti sunt plebeii qui nihil rei publicae exhibeant sed tantum prolem sufficiant.' (Quoted by Bruns, C.C., in ,i) Fontes Iuris Romani Antiqui, ed. 7 (Tübingen 1909, Mohr), Pars Posterior, p. 65.) To say that 'proletarians' contribute nothing to the community but their progeny is a euphemism for saying that the community gives them no remuneration for any other contributions that they may make (whether voluntarily of under compulsion) to the common weal. In other words, a 'proletariat' is an element of group in a community which has no 'stake' in that community beyond the fact of its physical existence. It is in this broad sense that the word 'proletariat' is used throughout this Study, and not in the specialized sense of an urban labouring population which employs the modern Western economic technique called 'Industrialism' and is employed under the modern Western economic régime called 'Capitalism'. This restricted usage of the word, which is current to-day, was given currency by Karl Marx, as one of the technical terms which he coined in order to convey the results of his study of history. More than one of these Marxian coinages have become current even among people who reject Marxian dogmas.
4
 For an examination of the phenomena of 'the internal proletariat' and 'the external proletariat', see the present part, Division C(i)(a), pp. 53-62, below, and also Parts IV, V, VI, VII, and VIII,passim, especially V.C.(i)(c) 2 and 3, vol. v, pp. 58-337.
{p.42} had been permanently undermined and its character enfeebled by that great disaster...

C. THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CIVILIZATIONS
I. A SURVEY OF SOCIETIES OF THE SPECIES
(A) PLAN OF OPERATIONS
Our researches have yielded us nineteen societies, most of them related as parent or offspring to one or more of the others: namely the Western, the Orthodox, the Iranic, the Arabic (these last two being now united in the Islamic), the Hindu, the Far-Eastern, the Hellenic, the Syriac, the Indic, the Sinic, the Minoan, the Sumeric, the Hittite, the Babylonic, the Eygptaic, the Andean, the Mexic, the Yucatec and the Mayan. We have expressed doubt as to the separate existence of the Babylonic apart from the Sumeric, and some of the other pairs might perhaps be regarded as single societies with an 'epilogue' on the Eygptaic analogy. But we will respect their individualities until we find good reason fro doing otherwise. Indeed it is probably desirable to divide the Orthodox Christian Society into an Orthodox-Byzantine and an orthodox-Russian Society. This would raise our numbers to twenty-one...


III. THE COMPARABILITY OF CIVILIZATIONS

(1) Civilizations and Primitive Societies
(2) The Misconception of 'The Unity of Civilization'
The second argument against the comparability of our twenty-one civilizations is the contrary to the first. It is that there are not twenty-one distinct representatives of such a species of society but only one civilization—our own.
This thesis of unity of civilization is a misconception into which modern Western historians have been led by the influence of their own social environment. The misleading feature is the fact that, in modern times, our own Western Civilization has cast the net of its economic system all round the World, and this economic unification on a Western basis has been followed by a political unification on the same basis which has gone almost as far; for though the conquests of Western armies and governments have been neither as extensive nor as thorough as the conquests of Western manufactures and technicians, it is nevertheless a fact that all the states of the contemporary world form a part of a single political system of Western origin.


(3) The Case for the Comparability of Civilizations
(4) History, Science and Fiction